Recent persecution of
minorities in Bangladesh
By Shahriar Kabir
14 November, 2006
------------------------
The unprecedented torture on religious and ethnic minorities in Bangladesh that began centring the 8th parliamentary election held on October 1, 2001 has not stopped even after five years. Its cause has to be sought out in the political objective of the ruling four-party alliance.
Partners of the alliance are BNP, Jamaat-e-Islami, Islami Oikya Jote (IOJ) and a faction of the Jatiya Party (JP). Founder of the BNP General Ziaur Rahman captured the state power after gruesome murder of chief architect of Bangladesh and father of Independent Bangalee Nation Bangabandhu Sheikh Mujibur Rahman on August 15, 1975. Erasing secularism and non-communal Bangalee Nationalism from the constitution through the 5th amendment, he introduced a kind of Islamic nationalism in the name of 'Bangladeshi' Nationalism. Cancelling the prohibition on formation of political parties on the basis of religion as was in the constitution of '72, he created the space for reformation of fundamentalist and religion-based parties including Jamaat-e-Islami, Nezam-e Islam and Muslim League, which was contradictory to the constitution and also the spirit of Liberation War.1
Jamaat-e-Islami and IOJ are self-declared religious fundamentalist parties. Their aim is to establish an Islamic rule in Bangladesh based on Quran and Sunnah, which considers minority religious sects as hostage. In the name of protecting Islam and Pakistan during Liberation War in 1971, the Jamaat leaders encouraged the Pakistan occupation forces to all sorts of destructive acts including genocide and rape by forming killing forces like Rajakar, Al Badar and Al Shams.
Founder of the JP General Ershad also came to power through military coup like Ziaur Rahman. To follow General Zia's footprint, he strengthened Islamisation of the constitution by declaring Islam 'state religion' through the 8th amendment.
The coalition government that came to power through October 2001 election is pro-Islamist. Although the BNP doesn't like to introduce itself as a Islamist party like Jamaat-e-Islam and Islami Oikya Jote, its political philosophy is Islamic nationalism, like that of Muslim League. The two other main partners of the alliance Jamaat-e-Islami and IOJ came to power after declaring to establish Islamic rule. The JP too believes in Political Islam, like the BNP. There is no room of democracy and progressiveness in political Islam. Jamaat's founder Moulana Abul Ala Moududi termed democracy as a 'kufri' (infidal) doctrine. Jamaat and its associates do not approve any constitution written by human being. It is very likely, when such communal and fundamentalist parties form an alliance and go to power, they will concentrate and do whatever necessary to establish a society of religion-based communal politics and society instead of secular democracy.
We have seen during the period of the caretaker government (13 July-10 October 2001) what will be the alliance government's attitude towards religious and ethnic minority when they would come to power. The government of Sheikh Hasina handed over the state power to Justice Latifur Rahman on July 13, 2001 in accordance with the constitution. Numerous reports and columns have been published in national dailies on the caretaker government's engineering to bring the BNP-Jamaat-led alliance to power. Local activists and supporters of the four-party alliance started attack, torture, terrorise and even killing minority religious sects, especially the Hindu community, at different parts of the country from mid-July of 2001. Their main aim was to ensure that Hindus do not go to polling centres and, if go, do not cast their vote for no one other than the four-party alliance candidates.
Most of the religious minority communities support the Awami League and it is likely. In every country of the world, religious minorities generally support secular political parties. Hindu, Buddhist, Christian and different ethnic communities also cast vote for left-leaning and progressive parties in the election. In the pre-partition Bangladesh, most members of the Communist Party were from the Hindu community. However there are also examples that members of minority sect in different areas also cast vote for BNP and the JP. As it is taken for granted generally that Hindus are supporters of the AL, attacks perpetrated on the Hindu community to cut the vote for the AL during the election. There were many reports in national dailies since mid-July of 2001 on the nature of repression on the marginalized people and what will be their fate if they cast vote for the AL. Although repression on minority people began during the caretaker government with a political aim, later it assumed multi-dimensional character. A recent study into 1500 days of repression on the minority shows that the torture aimed mainly at turning Bangladesh into a monolithic Muslim country like Afghanistan.
The ongoing persecution of religious and ethnic minorities without civil war situation is undoubtedly an unnatural and dangerous phenomenon. Had the alliance government thought the repression should not be let go on, it would have stopped it in the beginning. Political violence centring election is not unusual in a country like ours. But a government with more than two-third seats in the parliament can always implement their declared and undeclared agenda without resorting barbaric method like repression on the minorities. But it did not happen in Bangladesh. The alliance government continuously denied incidents of repression from the very beginning to keep it going. The local administration, for the government denial, did not take any effective step against the oppressors; complaints of the victims were not even recorded at police stations.
Incidents of repression were not published only in Bangladeshi newspapers. Many government reports of western countries including newspapers, country reports of international rights organisations, human rights commission of the UN and the US State Department mentioned about ongoing minority persecution. But our government always intended to hide the repression and termed such reports as 'baseless', 'fabricated' and 'politically motivated'.2
To please the government, police administration at times forced the victims to deny the incidents of repression. The victims further forced to say that political rivals were propagating those to embarrass the government. No government explanation in this regard was taken for granted by the international community. The government denial, in fact, was a green signal for the oppressors. Knowing that the government is on their side, the perpetrators were encouraged for further repression on the minorities. Thus persecution on the minority is continuing for over four years since mid-July of 2001.TWO
Emergence of Islam in Bangladesh took place about 1,000 years ago. Sufis, Dervishes, Pirs (religious leaders) and Awlias (saint) who preached Islam in this country were seldom vengeful to other faiths. While preaching Islam, they spoke of peace and harmony instead of jihad, killing and hatred for other religions. In many cases, they attempted to develop a progressive and tolerant image of Islam by adopting different elements of Hindu and Buddhist religion and local traditions and culture. This characteristic of preaching of Islam was not only practiced in Bangladesh but also in other parts of Indian sub-continent. Showing of respect by Hindu people beside the Muslims for different Pirs and Awlias (saints), which is a result of tolerance in Sufi school of Indian sub-continent, is a common scenario in the sub-continent.
The policy of religious division created by the rulers especially during the British colony period took a political character that resulted in partition of Indian sub-continent and creation of Pakistan on the basis of two-nation theory based on religion.
Majority of the Bengalee Muslims came out of their illusion about two-nation theory within six months of the emergence of Pakistan. We saw other manifestation of the rulers' communal attitude during the Pakistan period, which was totally against Bangalee national entity. The Pakistani rulers 'discovered' Hindu, communist and Indian conspiracy in all democratic nationalist movements of the Bangalees since the language movement.
Muslims, Buddhists, Christians and ethnic people of the hills and plains fought and sacrificed their lives during the Liberation War of 1971 with an objective of establishing a society and state free from exploitation, repression, disparity and discrimination where all people irrespective of religion, race, wealth and ethnicity will enjoy equal rights and honour. The constitution which was made for the newly independent country in 1972 reflected a great part of the spirit of Liberation War, though there was no mention of the separate entity of over 40 ethnic communities of Bangladesh. Besides, the 1972 constitution was a glaring example of communal harmony and human rights. Secularism was adopted as the key principle of the state to ensure equal rights and honour to members of all religious communities and stopping repression and indiscrimination in the name of religion. Furthermore, it had prohibition on politics based on religion. If there is any scope for such politics, conflict in the name of religion and torture, discrimination and deprivation for religious minorities are inevitable.
General Ziaur Rahman erased 'secularism' from the constitution and withdrew the prohibition on religion-based politics. He also added 'Bismillahir Rahmanir Rahim' at the beginning of the constitution. He further added 'Absolute trust and faith in the Almighty Allah shall be the basis of all actions' in the Part II (Fundamental Principles of state policy) of the constitution. Following General Zia's footprints, his right successor General Ershad declared Islam as 'state religion' of the republic through the 8th amendment of the constitution.
The two generals who turned the secular constitution of Bangladesh into a communal one never had belief in 15 million non-Muslim citizens' rights, honour and existence. No real Muslim can force a non-Muslim to utter 'Bismillah….'. Can a Hindu, Buddhist, Christian or ethnic person admit 'Absolute trust and faith in the Almighty Allah will be the basis of all actions?' Can they remain in their religion if they admit such notion? Only Khaleda Zia or her party and the alliance can say 'Bangladesh is a good example of communal harmony' by violating the religious rights and honour of Hindu-Buddhist-Christian and ethnic people over days after days, months after months and years after years!
The rampage of minority torture that began centring the 2001 election is now at low. But what will be the answer of our helmsmen of the state when the constitution is saying that the country and the constitution are not for non-Muslims? How can a country having such a communal constitution could be a "good example of communal harmony?"
Apart from the constitution, there are more tools with the government for minority persecution. A key tool of minority repression 'Vested Property Act' is still in practice in Bangladesh. This law was introduced during India-Pakistan war in 1965, considering India an enemy state and local Hindus their agents in order to grab their lands. On signing the Tashkent declaration after the war India was no more an enemy, but Bangladeshi rulers always considered the Hindus as agents of the enemy state. As a result, grabbing Hindu land using the black law still continues at different parts of the country. Many Hindu families were forced to leave the country on falling victim to this law. Many basic demands of the hill people were accepted when the former AL government signed a peace treaty with hill communities to stop repression on minority communities of the Chittagong Hill Tracts (CHT). Coming to power, the coalition government did not formally cancelled the hill treaty but had ignored its implementation. As a result, repression of military and Muslim settlers on hill people still continues.
The communal situation just was not created in a day. It was created through Islamisation of the constitution, alarming rise and expansion of religion-based political parties, use of religion in politics and giving a negative idea about religions excepting Islam for a long time. No matter wherever the fundamentalist and communal forces' strongholds are including the government, administration, education and culture, they have prepared a ground for Islamisation of the society and politics as well as repression, deprivation and discrimination on people of other religions. The nature of the rampant minority repression centring the 2001 election, was in fact an expression of violent communal excitement. Beside political vengeance, many minority people were also tortured for economic reoson. But an overall study of the repression shows target of the perpetrators was mainly driving out the Hindus from Bangladesh irrespective of financial condition and political affiliation.
It is impossible to establish communal harmony unless the state and government is secular. The 'secularism' in Bangladesh, as Bangabandhu Sheikh Mujibur Rahman said, is not like that in the Europe. Secularism in Europe is materialism in all spheres of state, government, society and individual. Religion is solely a matter of the individual. Although Christian fundamentalism is rising in the Europe and the US as a counteraction of worldwide rise of Islamist fundamentalism and extension of their network in the West, no country but US ever patronized them.
While explaining addition of secularism in the 1972 constitution, Mujib said on several occasions that secularism does not mean absence of religion; (it means) state will not be bias to any specific religion and religion will be separated from politics and state activities. Some of his left-leaning intellectual critics then said that, his explanation limited the spirit of secularism, changed its definition and manifestation. Although there was enough scope in Mujibs secularism to practice religion in individual and social life, we saw later that fundamentalist and communal opponents always termed secularism as absence of religion. Failing to make a proper reply to such false propagandas, the AL engaged itself in a competition with BNP of using religion politically since 1990s. Important AL leader, former Dhaka Mayor and president of Dhaka city AL Mohammad Hanif recently said publicly that he does not believe secularism. Expressing his support for Jamaa'atul Mujahideen's declaration of a state and government on the basis of Quran and Sunnah, he also claimed himself 'fundamentalist' and 'communal'!3
The way an influential AL leader openly declared jihad against secularism and urged the AL to cast off secularism may appear as the words of an insane or a sign of Hanif's changing party to many and they may be convalescent over the thought. But our observation is that communal mindset and thought are flourishing even in the AL, the largest political party of the country which is the exponent of Bangalee nationalism and secularism. Noted economist Prof. Abul Barakat's research shows, of among the people who grabbed the land of Hindus using the 'Vested Property Act' during the AL rule, 44 percent were involved with the AL and 32 percent with BNP's politics. Even when the BNP was in power, 11 percent such land grabbers were found to be AL followers.4 Apart from Hindus, Christian and Buddhist also became victim of 'Vested property Act'.
We came to learn from Abul Barakat's research that about one million Hindu families, 40 percent of total Hindu population, were affected by the Vested Property Act in last 40 years. 2.1 million acres of land, 53 percent of the Hindus' total land (before they were affected) was lost for the law. The lost 2.1 million acre land is worth Tk. 1,451.52 billion (as per 2000 land price rate). Added to this financial loss was attempt of regaining the loss (case, lobbying etc.) and loss of movable property. The two losses, according to Abul Barakat's statistics, is 'at least Tk 1,806.44 billion, which is 75 percent of our total national production'.
On humanitarian and social loss, Barakat wrote: "In fact it is not possible to determine real financial loss of Vested Property Act. Because it is impossible for any economist, statistician or accountancy expert to decide the financial value of human suffering, deprivation, forced breakdown of family tie, mental torture, physical disability ruin of communal harmony, passing nights without sleeping for threats, mothers' mourning for son and son's mourning for mother, forced ousting from parent's land, destruction of manpower, absence of freedom."5THREE
Some intellectuals of our country who are known as secular think that fundamentalism and communalism are two separate issues. Some of them think fundamentalism is obedience to the core principle of religion and Fundamentalists may kill people of their own religion when the issue of capturing power comes up but they don't attack people of other faith. As example, they say non-Muslims are not target of Jamaat attack, rather secular Muslims and anti-Jamaat Alem (educated persons) community. On the other hand, communal forces do not care for religion. Their target is non-Muslims, never the Muslims; and their aim is to capture the non-Muslims' property.
These notions about fundamentalism and communalism already became obsolete. Nature, characteristics and activities of both of these have hanged now, both have mingled in many cases. A study of minority persecution in Bangladesh in the last five years will show Jamaat-e-Islami and other extremist militant organisations are equally responsible for communal violence and repression. We went to Kaliganj to visit three tortured housewives of Satkhira - Radharani, Banolata and Aduri on July 21, 2003. The Janakantha published a report on the torture on three Sarker families and the housewives. It wrote:
'Criminals of Kaliganj tied up housewife Radharani Sarker in her house in the midnight and dragged her through a huge of prickly shrubs. They later raped and tortured her at the embankment. One urinated on her mouth as she called him 'godfather'; the two others continued bestial exultation on her body. Victim of Saturday midnight's terrorist attack and torture in Bishwanathpur village Radharani is about to be mentally imbalance. Both hands of housewife Banolata were fractured in the attack. She cannot move her legs as the terrorists stabbed those. She is carrying marks of torture in her whole body. Aduri, a 40 plus women, is being treated at the hospital with injuries in the hands, head, back and buttock. Her son Bashudev was also injured in the attack. The tragic and barbaric incident took place on four minority families on Saturday night. Evidence of the terrorist attack is still found during a visit to the area, 44 kilometres from Satkhira, on Monday.
'Admitting of the ransack and looting, Kaliganj Circle Superintendent of Police (SP) Shamsul Huda told Janakantha that the barbaric incident took place for instigation by local Jamaat activist and former Union Parishad chairman Abdul Gafur. Non one was arrested although a case was filed. There is allegation that the case was filed under a weak section (of criminal law).'6
Local police told journalists that it is the local Jamaat leaders who are responsible for attack on Sarker families and torturing the housewives. We talked with local BNP leader Dolly Islam. She also said, "criminals belong to Jamate Islami made the attack." We heard same allegation in Gava village of Satkhira district.
Militant fundamentalist organisation 'Al Saiyed Mujahid Bahini' threatened people of Pirojpur and told them to stop worshipping idols two years ago. A report of 'Sangbad' reads: 'Doubt looms over holding of upcoming Durgapuja in Pirojpur. An organization named 'Al Saiyed Mujahid Bahini' (of Halishahar, Chittagong) has sent letters to almost all puja mandaps in Pirojpur and Najirpur and asked not to worship idols. They threatened of damaging the idols themselves on the first day of Puja if the Hindu community does not do so by October 10. They also said worshipping of idols will not be allowed in the birthplace and constituency of Saidee (Jamaat lawmaker Delwar Hossain Saidee). Worshipping of idols is an act of the kafir (non-believers). After getting the letters, leaders of all puja committees of the town met at an emergency meeting at local Kalibari. The deputy commissioner (DC) and SP have been informed about decision of the meeting.'7
Muslim militant organisation 'Islamic Solidarity' has sent letters to four Hindu teachers of Chittagong University, issuing death threat.8
Somebody set fire to Narayanganj Kali temple and hung a notice on the adjacent tree asking for building mosque demolishing the temples.9
Imam of a mosque of in Nilphamari preached during Union Parisad (UP) election that casting votes for Hindu candidates would be violation of religious rites'.10
Militant fundamentalist organisation 'Harkatul Jihad' sent letters to Hindu families in Manikganj, asking them to convert to Islam.11
Hindu teachers of Hafiz Ibrahim College of Bhola were assaulted and their households came under attack as they did not take part in milad.12
There are many examples of fundamentalists' involvement in minority repression during the coalition government rule as they aim to establish an Islamic rule in Bangladesh on the basis of Quran and Sunnah. Besides, secular Muslims and non-Muslims are also needed to be uprooted. Apart from forcing the minorities to leave the country, the fundamentalists are also doing the task of converting them with a strong zeal whenever they get a chance. Dr. Dakua narrated before Nirmul Committee (a human rights organisation) team members how the musclemen of Jamat lawmaker Saidee striped him in a Bazar, chased with a sharp blade, tried to circumcise him in broad day light. Newspapers carried reports on some incidents of forced converting to Islam. Those who were forced to covert left the country secretly as happened in the case of the raped victims. On the other hand those who voluntarily accepted other faith like Christianity became victim of persecution.
Ninety percent rape victims did not lodge any complaint with any police station or informed journalists. They left the country secretly in the dark of the night fearing insult and disgrace. Both eyes of Radharani of Thkurgaon were gouged out after rape. Those who read the news of post-rape assault and insult of Chhobi Rani of Bagerhat surely felt themselves ashamed.FOUR
Although national dailies was reporting on systematic persecution of religious minorities since July 2001, which made us worried and greatly resentful, the reaction of the government was totally opposite. Justice Latifur Rahman's government was in power for nine more days after the October 1 election. The four-party alliance government led by Begum Khaleda Zia took with on October 10. As Justice Latifur Rahman kept on denying from the very beginning that communal violence took place anywhere in the country, the alliance government did the same thing since they assumed power.
Important dailies of the country excepting mouthpieces of the coalition like 'Inquilab', 'Sangram' and 'Dinkal', published series of reports on communal violence. There is no reason to consider the 'Daily Star', 'Ittefaq', 'Jugantor', 'Prothom Alo' etc. as supporters of Awami League. However, a few column writers of the alliance have remarked that the newspaper reports on communal repression are exaggerated and that those were published as part of a conspiracy to tarnish the image of the alliance government. A statement of 'South Asian People's Union against Fundamentalism and Communalism' expressing concern and resentment over communal repression published in different national dailies on October 4 (2001). Just after three days Farhad Mazhar, who is known to be a leftist and secular column writer, wrote a big column expressing hatred against it.
Some so-called leftist intellectuals opined like other supporters of alliance government that communalism does not exist in Bangladesh. Some stray incidents might took place and Hindus might be attacked in some places but those incidents were not communal rather political, according to them. Some of these people say it is a reactionary idea to term non-Muslim religious communities as 'minority'. To justify the persecution, some of them mentioned that such incidents also took place during Awami League rule. They even said that repression on Hindus in Bangladesh is nothing major in comparison with torture on minority Muslims in neighbouring India. When brutal torture was launched on Hindus, several hundred temples, homesteads and business houses were demolished over a few weeks after the destruction of Babri Mosque in India on December 6, 1992, some so-called leftist intellectuals said it was nothing big in compare with India. On Taslima Nasrin's novel 'Lajja', which was based on 1992 communal violence, they said it was written to serve the interest of Hindu fundamentalist of India.
When intellectuals like Farhad Mazhar and Badruddin Umar discover reactionary motives in the write-ups on rise of fundamentalism and communal repression it becomes more clear why minorities of Bangladesh fall victim to continuous repression.
In her first address to the nation after taking office, Prime Minister Khaleda Zia denied minority repression and said, "Followers of all religions including the Muslims, Hindus, Buddhists and Christians and all ethnic communities are Bangladeshi. I am alerting the countrymen about those who want to erect a wall of difference among us by willingly using the word minority amidst such religious harmony."13
We made a reply of her speech on the following day at a press conference of 'Nirmul Committee' where Purnima, who was gang-raped and her family were present. We mentioned that, "We don't want anyone to stay in Bangladesh with the identity of 'minority', but it is very difficult to erase the brand of 'minority', which the state put on them. By erasing secularism and adding 'Bismillah…….' in the constitution through the 5th amendment first and declaring Islam as the state religion later through 8th amendment, non-Muslim religious communities have been told clearly that they are 'minority' and second class citizens in Bangladesh. Since they are minority in number the Hindus,
Buddhists, Christians and ethnic people are easy prey of communal persecution. Especially, the Hindus are attacked on the ploy that they are supporters of Awami League although they also cast votes for BNP, Jatiya Party and other parties. Since they are minority in number, they have been turned into marginalised people, they don't have the courage to protest these."
The then home minister Altaf Hossain Chowdhury told the BBC in an interview and at meetings and later at a joint press conference with BNP secretary General Abdul Mannan Bhuiyan said, "Newspapers are publishing exaggerated reports on minority repression. Eighty to ninety percent of newspaper reports are baseless as those do not have any similarity with the reports of the DCs (deputy commissioners)."14
Is it possible for the DCs to term them liars when the prime minister and other top ministers say newspaper reports are untrue and baseless? Since talking over of the caretaker government, the DCs have realized what government policymakers want. The civil bureaucrats also know what punishment they will have to face if not work according to the will of the policymakers. Therefore, it is obvious that there will be no similarity between newspaper reports and those sent by the DCs.
All the leaders of rights organisations who visited the minority-tortured areas are of the same opinion that even half of the incidents of
repression were not published in newspapers. It is because:
1. The victims did not dare to file complaints with police apprehending further torture as the perpetrators are mainly activists and supporters of BNP and Jamaat. They were also afraid to inform the thanas and journalists about the torture for the same apprehension.
2. In most cases it is very difficult to know about communal attacks taking place in remote areas.
3. The incidents of rape and women repression seldom complain with the thanas fearing more torture and social stigma. The raped women in many Asian countries including Bangladesh considered unwanted and despicable in the society.
4. Since the government kept denying incidents of communal repression from the very beginning, the thanas willingly overlooked and denied to record victims' complaints in many cases. The complainants have been harassed and physically tortured in many cases while they have been arrested in other cases.
5. There is no way to collect information about thousands of Hindu families who were forced to leave country secretly, losing everything including their property and near and dear ones.
6. The BBC and I myself talked with many of those who went to India. For the prevailing adverse political situation, many of them do not want to admit that they left the country after October of 2001, and
7. Those who have decided not to leave the country in any situation did not want to out their position in danger by disclosing the incidents of repression on them. Although we learnt about those their neighbours from no newspaper published such incidents.
The detail statistics of torture and rampage this time will never be known for these reasons.
Brutality of repression as learnt from newspapers and reports of rights organisations never took place in Bangladesh history except once during the Liberation War of 1971. The members of Pakistani occupation forces who were responsible for the holocaust of 1971, they were outsiders. The repression this time is much more tragic because the attackers are not foreign soldiers; they are Bangalee and neighbours of the victims and maybe from the same village. The minority people who fled the country in 1971 for life came back after the war was over. Many of the victims of communal repression who left the country during this coalition rule told me and the media correspondents that they would never come back.
Repression on religious minority that began in mid-July of 2001 after the caretaker government took over rose widely after the general election. No single day could be found in first three months of the coalition government's taking power when no repression on the minority took place. An analysis of nature of repression during this government's rule shows that incidents of physical torture, looting, setting fire to households, forced extortion and rape were more than the number of killing. From children of 8/9 years to 50/60-year-old women were raped. To insult the raped more, the rapists showed a bestial attitude by stripping them and forcing them to walk nakedly before thousand eyes in broad day light. The victims of murder included people of different age from newborn babies to 75-year-olds. Priests of temple, Buddhist monk and elderly scholars even could not escape brutal death. Hindus were forced to convert to Islam in some places while Muslim or ethnic people who converted to Christianity willingly were tortured and even killed at some other places.
When communal repression became a regular issue, many political parties and rights organisations made a gory portrayal of the incidents before the fellow citizens and urged the government for steps, but the government did not take any step. Exasperated by government indifference, a rights organisation, Ain O Salish Kendra, even filed a case at high court. The court sought explanation from the government in this regard, but our government did not do so even after four years.
Irene Khan, secretary general of Amnesty International (AI) came to Dhaka twice after the election and expressed deep concern over minority repression during her meeting with the PM and home minister. Top government leaders never paid any heed to the matter. The PM promised the Amnesty International secretary general in December 2001 of forming a commission to probe complaints of minority repression but the commission is yet to form.
Observing the planned and continuous incidents of communal repression, political observers and social scientists have termed these as 'ethnic cleansing'. Since two and half months before the election, terrorists of BNP and Jamaat started saying that no Hindu would be allowed to live in Bangladesh. In most cases, the Hindus were told after torture to leave the country. BNP and Jamaat took it for granted that all non-Muslims are supporters of the AL and an easy way to avenge the AL is communal torture. BNP and Jamaat think that if non-Muslims leave the country, there will be a cut in AL vote and it will be easier to turn Bangladesh into a monolithic Islamic country like Pakistan and Afghanistan.
Visiting different areas, we have seen that religious minorities irrespective of party affiliation became subject of torture Killers of Jamaat-e-Islami murdered eminent Chittagong educationist Principal Gopal Krishna Muhuri was a politburo member Workers Party. Buddhist monk Gyanojyoti Mahathero, monk Dulal Barua and Hindu priest Madanmohan Goshwami who never had any connection with politics murdered in Chittagong. Basana Rani, mother of gang-raped Purnima, of Sirajganj said they did not even spared although they told the perpetrators that they cast their vote for the BNP. So it will not be wise to guess that the minority people who are AL supporters fell victims of torture. There is obviously a political reason. Activists of the opposition including the AL are being tortured over the last four years for political vengeance of the alliance government. There is an economical reason too, but the main reason behind ongoing repression on the Hindus, Buddhists and Christians is communal and the fundamentalist attempt to turn Bangladesh's multi-racial society into a monolithic Islamic state.FIVE
No dissimilarity found between newspaper information and those disclosed in the press conferences of different rights organisations that visited the places where the repression took place before and after the election. The government accused and harassed different newspapers for carrying 'exaggerated' and 'motivated' reports on minority repression and became angry at rights organisations in the same way. Khaleda Zia government took repressive steps against, rights organisations and NGOs, which were working for security, equal rights and dignity of the minorities since long before the election.
The coalition government arrested me in 42 days into its taking office. I was accused of sedition for taking interviews of the religious minority people who were forced to go to India after the election and of tarnishing the government's image by giving interview to the BBC on minority repression. Coming out of the jail on bail two months later, I described at a press conference physical and mental torture on me during the remand after my arrest.
I was arrested again one year later in December 2002. Along with me, police also tortured two foreign reporters of the BBC Zaiba Malik and Bruno Sorentino, Prof Muntassir Mamoon, journalists Saleem Samad and Enamul Haq amd human rights activist Pricilla Raj. Later, 152 staff of the country's largest NGO Proshika including its president Dr. Kazi Faruque Ahmed were arrested. The AL leaders possibly do not know how many thousands of their leaders and activists were arrested.
Over one hundred journalists of remote areas of Bangladesh came under different sorts of harassment, arrest and torture by the ruling party cadres and administration while writing reports on the repression. Journalists like Manik Saha of Khulna, Dipankar Chakrabarty of Bogra and Prof. Humayun Azad were killed mainly for writing on repression on the religious minority. In his novel 'Pak Sar Zamin', Prof. Azad wrote the involvement of fundamentalists parties with minority repression. The Jamaat workers became so angry that their lawmaker Delwar Hossain Saidee proposed in the parliament to introduce Blasphemy Law to punish him. Many newspapers covered incidents of brutal torture on minority Hindu communities in Saidee's constituency during the 1996 and 2001 election.
Although the degree of repression on the minority after the 8th parliamentary election in 2001 was much higher than any other past reign in the context of cruelty and occurrences, the state did not take any effective step against those and the opposition parties also failed to do so. It is unexpected that the coalition government will take steps to stop these since the perpetrators are local terrorists of the government constituents, but we did not see the progressive political parties to unite to stop the repression this time as they did in the past. Leaders of the AL, JSD (Jatiya Samajtantrik Dal), Workers Party, CPB (Communist Party of Bangladesh) and other like-minded parties visited some affected areas separately and in some cases helped the victims, but they did not do anything unitedly to stop the repression as they did in 1964 and 1992.
Some AL supporter column writers wrote that the attack on the party was so violent and sudden that it became very tough to guard itself and it was impossible to stand beside minority victims as expected. However, our observation is that repression on the minority was less in the areas where the AL leaders remained despite government torture, killing and arrest. Torture was much in the areas that abandoned by the AL leaders after the election. Many victims of the affected areas complained the no leader of the country's largest political party stood beside them. Strength of other anti-fundamentalist and anti-communal political parties is so limited that it is impossible for them to do anything separately. Moreover, there are some parties among them, which did not stand beside the victims for hostility towards the AL. They calculated like the ruling coalition that AL's vote would decrease if the minority Hindus leave the country for torture.
A strong unity among all the parties including the AL that believe in the spirit of Liberation War and effective resistance move were necessary to stop the unprecedented disaster of humanity. But anti-AL mind set in some leftist parties is so strong that such a disastrous suffering even failed to move them. This time hey feared forming an alliance with the Awami League, but when 11 left-leaning parties formed 'Samprodaik Samprity Committee' (Communal Harmony Committee) with the AL in 1992 December, the victims found consolation, the perpetrators were alarmed and the torture did not last long. If the main reason of long lasting of repression this time is the coalition government's political agenda, the second reason will be absence of resistance by the opposition political parties.15
It is not possible for people to come forward to resist repression if the political parties fail to put effective resistance. We have witnessed some spontaneous resistance by the people in some cases. We have seen at the same time how a few Muslims were tortured for providing shelter to affected Hindu neighbours.
SIX
Although more than ten thousand incidents of communal torture, threat, killing, rape, setting fire to households, looting etc. took place in the last four years of coalition rule,16 it is doubtful whether police have properly recorded one tenth of the incidents. It is true that a few cases have been filed, some accused have been awarded punishment on different terms, but we did not try to know what happened later.
Two most gruesome and highlighted incidents of minority repression in the last four years are the killing of Principal Gopal Krishna Muhuri, an octogenarian educationist of Chittagong and gang rape of adolescent girl Purnima in Sirajganj . Criminals of Jamaat and its student front Islami Chhatra Shibir (ICS) shot Principal Muhuri from a close range on November 16, 2001 in Chittagong. A wave of protest and resentment ran through the country and outside after the reports and photographs of the brutally killed teacher were been published in newspapers. The administration forced to arrest some of the accused. Speedy Trial Tribunal of Chittagong, on February 6, 2003, sentenced four to death, life imprisonment for as a many and fined them Tk 50,000 each for the murder of Principal Muhuri. Shibir cadre Saiful, who was awarded life term, received bail from the High Court on June 17, 2003 as the state side refrained from opposing the bail petition (Prathom Alo, 2 December 2003).
25/30 cadres of BNP raped Purnima, 14-year-old girl of Ullapara upazila of Sirajganj, eight days after the election. No one of Purnima's parents or sister could escape from their attack. Police only recorded the charge of torture, not the complaint of rape. The court received her case when local journalists and leaders of the AL and Nirmul Committee took her to the magistrate. The magistrate also ordered for arrest of the 15 whose name Purnima could tell them that moment. All they are cadres of local BNP. Although police arrested them, they were been released a few days later on receiving instruction from the local lawmaker.
The BNP lawmaker threatened Purnima's family several times. He sometimes allured them of money, asking them to deny the charge of rape. When I was in jail, BNP men offered the family Tk. 20,000 for giving statement against me, asked them to say that Purnima was not been raped, I brought them to Dhaka on financial allurement to tell journalists about the rape incident. They were been asked to say such dirty lies, but Purnima and her poor mother turned down the proposal, with disgust.
The then home minister also denied the incident of Purnima's rape. The local MP appealed to the home ministry later for reinvestigation of the case. On instruction from the ministry, police prepared a new charge sheet in the name of probe and the journalists, lawyers, leaders of the AL and Nirmul Committee who stood beside the family in their days of sufferings were been accused in the new charge sheet.
Purnima's father submitted a 'naraji' (discontent) petition with the court, putting objection to the new charge sheet. Hearing of the petition is yet to begin. The court is giving fresh dates one after another. Purnima's father, who was suffering from beating during the incident four years ago, died two months ago. Purnima's family do not know when the hearing of the petition will begin. It is impossible to begin the trial of the main case before the disontent petition is disposed. The proceedings of a few number of cases filed in connection with on minority repression are going on this way. In many cases, the trial is being hampered for absence of the complainant. The complainants cannot appear before the court for threats by the accused. As a result, the accused are getting out of jail on getting bail from the court without any difficulty and cases are dumping in the record room forever.
The existing culture of indemnifying criminals is turning the whole society crime-prone. If a Hindu girl is not available for rape, Muslim one is falling victims to the perpetrators. Thus brutal crimes like murder, rape and torture are becoming accustomed to people gradually.
SEVEN
The coalition government has succeeded to make the religious and ethnic minority people through continuous repression over the last five years that they will have to live in the country as second-class citizens without having opportunity to enjoy their constitutional rights and suffering all insult, torture and discrimination. If they do not like this life, they have three options before them 1) converting to Islam from minorities' religion, 2) leaving the country abandoning homesteads, business, land and property, or 3) mass suicide.
We came to learn about the attempt to turn the country free of Hindus from newspapers or sometimes while talking with victims in the affected areas. Although we ask the victims to unite against repression when they inquire about alternative means, the truth is that the weak, helpless and marginalised people do not have the strength to resist. Non-communal political parties this time did not stand beside the victims as we saw in 1964 or in 1992 to a limited extent.
The coalition government led by Khaleda-Nizami in a way wanted to hide the plan of turning Bangladesh Hindu-free, the other way, not. Since minority repression became a regular event in newspapers in October 2001, the government kept on saying no such incident took place anywhere in the country, the newspapers are publishing false news, or, if any, the Awami League is holding those to tarnish the image of the coalition government. However, because of the mass media in home and abroad, the incidents could not kept secret.
No matter how much the government denies, the world community could learn about minority repression in Bangladesh from mass media of the US and Europe. Many reports on rise of fundamentalism, minority repression and deterioration of human rights situation in Bangladesh were published in many western dailies and periodicals including the 'Guardian', 'New York Times', 'Washington Post', 'Wall Street Journal', 'Time' and 'The Nation'. Many newspapers in Europe, electronic media like BBC and South Asian countries have also carried news items on these issues. The government did not succeed to hide the incidents of communal repression even after spending crores of taka for this.
Main credit of extensive coverage of communal repression goes to journalists of remote areas who are been ignored as 'mufassil journalists'. All people will be grateful to those journalists who collected reports of the incidents by risking their lives and ignoring threats by the ruling party and administration.
Apart from district and thana-level journalists, the newspapers also could not escape the vengeance and repression by the ruling party and administration. Journalists came under torture, arrested in false cases or have been ousted from their areas for threats on life. Government advertisement has been stopped for the newspapers that published reports on communal repression ignoring government policy, reading and purchasing these newspapers have been prohibited at government, semi-government and autonomous institutions and different kind of cases have been filed against the publisher an editor of these newspapers. As a result, number of reports on such repression has reduced in the newspapers in the last few months. Reading the news of attack on a Christian inhabitated area in Chatmohor in Pabna, I went to the affected area and took interview of the victims in March 2003. After my visit three more attacks were made at the same village of Chatmohor, but no reports were published in newspapers, I learnt it from the report of human rights organisation of Father Timm and Rosaline D'Costa.
The newspapers, which wanted to see victory of Khaleda-Nizami's four-party alliance in the election and mobilised public opinion for this end before the election, have even failed to overlook till the last the communal repression this time for its brutality. Especially after my arrest on November 22, 2001, these newspapers sent reporters from Dhaka to spot cover the communal repression and published reports on these later. The exceptions were BNP's mouthpiece 'Dinkal', Jamaat's ''Sangram' and fundamentalists' mouthpiece 'Inquilab'. Of the three newspapers, Inquilab, which let loose Bangladeshi communal hooligans to demolish Hindu households and temples and loot business houses publishing false news on Babri Mosque demolition in October '90, published reports denying most the incidents of repression.
Different dailies of Dhaka published many reports on minority repression in Bagerhat. A report from Bagerhat was published in a local daily headlined 'The Brutal Story of Minority Repression Morelganj -- Extortion and Physical Abuse Regular Phenomena' reads:
"Another brutal incident of minority repression and torture in Morelganj, the most crime-prone upazila of Bagerhat, has been learnt. Accused of more than one cases and identified criminals have established a reign of terror in different minority-inhabited villages of Chingrakhali union. Extortion, looting, robbery, theft, women repression, kidnap and collecting ransom have become regular phenomena there. The criminals are so powerful that no result was found even after informing the DC, SP and MP. Rather, the criminals doubled the rampage after learning about it. Exasperated at their activities, at least five Hindu families have left the country in last months. No whereabouts of elderly Lalit Mondal and his wife could be learnt yet since the criminals captured and took away them. Several oppressed and torture victims of different villages of the area told this at a press conference at Bagerhat Press Club Wednesday.
"Many victims of Gopalpur, Chargopalpur, Singhjor and Mohishcharni villages burst into tears while describing the torture at the press conference. "We have contacted all concerned including the thana and police, but found no result. Rather, the torture increased," said one of them. "We've come to you at last. Please, save us. Otherwise, we'll have no other way than either to leave the country or commit suicide," was many of their pleading.
"Uttam Kumar Mondol read out the written speech. About 25/30 local elites including schoolteachers, agriculturist, businessmen, an service-holders were present there at the time. It has been learnt from the written speech and questioning that accused of more than one cases and identified criminals of the area started torture on the minority people after the last parliamentary election. The criminals have become more fierce and uncontrolled after Jamaat leader Moulana Abul Kashem was elected chairman in the last UP election….."17
Not only Janakantha, other newspaper also published the minority repression in Morelganj. But the Inquilab published a totally opposite report the same day. Not only this, they discovered an anti-state conspiracy in this! The newspaper wrote in the report headlined 'Evil Attempt to Create False Issue of Minority Repression in Bagerhat':
"Sensation has been created at Morelganj in Bagerhat over a press conference in the name of an imaginary incident of minority repression. Police said they do not know about any incident of minority repression in Gopalpur and Chargopalpur of Chingrakhali union of Morelganj. No one even lodged any complain with the thana about repression. One Uttam Kumar Mali of the village described repression on minority at a press conference there on last Wednesday. A well-placed source said, some 'dada' (brother in Hindu community) paid for the press conference to create a new issue by describing the false story of minority repression and some people instigated for this. It was told in the press conference that the minority are exasperated by law and order situation like extortion, robbery, theft, women abuse and kidnap in the two villages and that police do not receive their complaints at the thana. Besides, no result was found even after the local lawmaker, DC and SP were informed through courier service. But police said they did not receive any complaint on the so-called minority repression. Sources said, there is a grave conspiracy behind their attempt to create an issue in the name of minority repression by showing a receipt of courier service in support of their sending their complaint. Because, sending complaints through courier service without making the complaint after appearing before the authorities in person has turned the press conference more mysterious." (Inqilab, 10 July 2003)
If anyone writes about torture on the Hindus, the Inquilab terms him/her as agent of India and its intelligence 'RAW' in a way that resembles some Hindu fundamentalists' newspapers' discovered during minority Muslim massacre in Gujrat the hands of Pakistan and 'ISI' behind it. If one reads the Inquilab regularly, it will be clear to him that the interest of Indian fundamentalists and Bangladeshi Muslim fundamentalists are same. Although Inquilab directly denied communal repression in Bagerhat, Janakantha reported that local BNP lawmaker had asked the SP to control the repression with strong hand. In some cases, we have noticed that local BNP leaders did not deny the incidents of communal repression, especially if the local Jamaat is responsible for the attack.
EIGHT
The multi-dimensional expression of repression on religious minority and ethnic communities we are witnessing for the last four years will be available in selected reports, post-editorials, articles and investigative reports based on spot coverage of different rights organisations which have been compiled in the Whitepaper on minority persecution.The number of no-Muslim people of Bangladesh is over 15 million and their lives, rights and dignity are endangered now.
Population of 176 of total 189 countries of the world is less than 15 million.18 No matter how the government tries to deny it, there is no power in the world that scan deny the existence of 15 million people.
Even after much Islamisation of the constitution, the government is not following the sections regarding rights and dignity of the minorities. As a result, the endangered people are becoming more and more vulnerable.
We can divide the steps necessary to stop minority repression into two folds-- 1) Immediate Steps and 2) Long-term Steps. Following are on top of the agenda that should be addressed immediately.
1) Forming a high-profile commission comprising Supreme Court judge, joint-secretary-level representatives from home and law ministries and human rights organisations to verify incidents of minority repression in last five years as reported in different newspapers and reviewing the reports and observation published by different national international rights organisations. The commission will submit its report in three months and make recommendations for stopping torture and discrimination to minority sects.
2) The 'Vested Property Act' to be repealed immediately and compensation must be given to the victims of this black law.
3) The peace treaty signed between Chittagong Hill Tracts people and Bangladesh government on December 2, 1997 should be implemented immediately.
4) The government will have to arrange compensation for different individuals and families irrespective of religion and ethnic identity who suffered for communal violence in the last four years. The land, households and property now in capture of other people should be returned to the real owners.
5) Steps should be taken to dispose the under-trial cases quickly and unwanted political and administrative influence in probe and trial should be stopped.
Strong mass awareness is necessary for long-term program. If we want to stop communal violence and minority persecution permanently, we need:
1) Secular constitution, which will not create any discrimination in the name of religion, colour, wealth, gender and ethnicity. The 1972 constitution can be a model with a few amendments. It did not recognise separate entity of indigenous ethnic communities, which is important to be in any civilised country.
2) Only a secular and democratic state can ensure equal rights and dignity to all people irrespective of religion-caste-language-ethnicity. Different initiatives taken by newspapers, intellectuals and the civil society can create these values. Secular human values cannot flourish without a strong civil society movement.
3) Education is considered as the backbone of a nation. There should be no education system in the country that creates negative ideas among the students about different religion, language and ethnicity. The madrasa education has to be modernised, scientific and to-the-people.
4) Special opportunities and facilities in education and professional arena should be created for the communities and groups of people that are now lagging behind due to deprivation and negligence over a long time, so that this large manpower can take part equally in building the nation.
5) We have learnt from newspaper reports and observation of rights organisations including the Nirmul Committee that the repression this time has taken place more in rural areas than urban areas. Different socio-cultural and non-government volunteer organisations should initiate long-term steps in rural areas to form and expedite progressive cultural movement including humane and scientific education in remote areas in order to remove narrow mindedness, conservative attitude and evil acts of the uneducated mollahs.
6) Qualification should be prerequisite for government jobs, not religion. We cannot hope overall development of the country until non-Muslim citizens of the country remain deprived of the opportunity to prove their ability in policy making in the arena of politics, administration, economy, society, education and culture. All sorts of written and unwritten restriction and communal mentality prevailing in these cases should be eliminated.
Many may ask why the government will do these when they are always denying the incidents of communal repression and human rights violation, especially when this is against their political goal. The reply is no country can survive alone in this world. There is no reason to believe that international community will remain indifferent to continuous religious minority and ethnic repression forever in a poor and densely populated country like Bangladesh. People are forced to take shelter in other countries because of repression. Those who are well off taking shelter the Europe and North America, while those who not, to neighbouring India.
Apart from increase of population in other countries, this migration will create different kinds of political, economical, social, and cultural as well as law and order problems there, which may result ultimately in unexpected interference by other countries. This interference could be multi-dimensional, which we cannot approve. However, if causes of the problem remain for an indefinite period, other countries may interfere even if we do not want.
If the helmsmen of the forum coalition government have least sympathy for the country, they have to do without any delay all what is necessary to stop minority repression and to establish equal rights and dignity to all citizens irrespective of religion-caste-wealth-language-ethnicity. If the government does not want or fail to do this, all patriotic forces will have to unite and form resistance movement to force the government to fulfil the demand in an ultimate bid to save the country and people.
The government must realise that it is merely a futile attempt to hide or deny any incident that creates political instability and social divide in this age of free flow of information. By denying the repression on minorities, the government has tarnished the image of themselves as well as the country before the world.
Continuous repression and migration are changing the political, economic, social, psychological and over all cultural scenario of the country. It will be impossible to ensure good governance and development by neglecting the dignity, rights and existence of more than 15 million people. The majority people are also being affected due to decrease in the number of minority non-Muslims for their migration. Literacy rate of Bangalee Hindus and Christians is more than that of the Bangalee Muslims. The literacy rate of Chakmas of the hills is also more than plain land Bangalees. Exodus of the educated people is harmful for any country and society.
Former Prime Minister Khaleda Zia often said, there is nothing in Bangladesh as 'minority' or 'majority', all are Bangladeshis. We are also saying that it is not right to consider one as minority. Minority-majority discrimination is indeed very inhuman. We have never seen reflection of the government's speech in its deeds. The minority non-muslims will not be able to think them equal to the majority Muslims as along as the communal constitution and black laws like 'Vested Property Act' will remain in force. It is a very barbaric attitude to deprive one of his dignity and rights considering him 'minority'.
NINE
The coalition government, denied the incidents of minority repression from the very beginning. Denying the incidents of repression is considered as another kind of repression, which was also criticised the pro-BNP intellectuals.
Top intellectuals of BNP's 'Shato Nagorik Committee' (Committee of Hundred Citizens) said, "Members of minority communities of the country are falling victims to post-election violence, newspapers are publishing reports on this. Some said the reports are exaggerated while some others said such incidents also took place in the past. As conscious citizens of Bangladesh, we reject both of such statement with strong hatred… We want the administration control the criminals with strong hands and arrange exemplary punishment for them. Legal steps be taken against the perpetrators."19 Total 122 intellectuals signed on behalf of the committee. Among them were Prof Syed Ali Ahsan, Prof Emajuddin Ahmad, Prof Dr MA Majed, Prof Askar Ibne Shaikh and Prof. Maniruzzaman Miah. The coalition government did not pay any heed to the request of its well wishers.
We consider the repression on the religious minorities and ethnic communities is a part of national disaster. The repression is not only harming the victims and their communities, such barbarism is also violation of the constitution and UN Human Rights Charter. At the same time, it is destructive for human relations, value and civilisation. No civilised society can approve such repression on humanity in the name of religion, caste, wealth, ethnicity, language, power or any faith. The incidents of repression on the non-Muslim minority communities and government indifference to take action against the perpetrators over the last four years have blackened our image in the world and cleared the way of Islamisation of the society and the state inside the country.
The white paper on minority persecution in Bangladesh that edited by me contains more than three thousand selected reports and observation of different rights organisations. We have not included the reports of Ahmadia Muslim persecution in our white paper, because we do not consider Ahmadia Muslims as minority. It is Jamate Islami and its fundamentalist allies that consider Ahmadia Muslims as non-Muslims and minority. There are many sects amongst the followers of Islam. Like Sunnis & Shias, the Ahmadias should be considered as Muslims. Issue of Ahmadia persecution in Bangladesh is related with Wahabi interpretation of Islam, which is indeed a problem of fundamentalism.
We have told it many times that incidents of repression on minorities and violation of their rights tarnish country's image. Protest against such incidents and activities to stop these rather brighten the image. The world outside then comes to know that all people of the country have not turned into uncivilised, there are still some people to resist barbarism. We have also noticed that whenever anyone oppose anti-people activities of any minister or the government or even any leader of BNP or Jamaat, he is identified as 'traitor' and undergo torture in remand after arrest. Policymakers of the coalition government do not even have the general knowledge that any individual, party or government does not account to be state or criticism of any individual, party or government is not the criticism of the state. Had they have this knowledge, there might not be such sufferings and bad reputation of a country like Bangladesh that earned independence for the blood of 3 million martyrs.
Communalism or minority repression is another expression of current day fundamentalism. Bangladesh, India and Pakistan are the glaring example how religious fundamentalism gives birth to communal hatred and instigate minority repression in the mind of the people. It is impossible that there will be no communalism if the state is based on religion and fundamentalism. Even if the state is secular, it is still difficult to eliminate communalism until leaders of the state are sincere to implement secularism. Communalism cannot be eliminated overlooking fundamentalism.
Two main partners of the coalition government are fundamentalist and fanatics i.e. Jamat-e Islami and Islamic Oikya Jote are linked with worldwide Jihadi network. If we want to ensure human rights and dignity irrespective of religion, caste and creed an allout resistance movement against fundamentalism and communalism is an urgent and absolute need of our time.
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1. Recently (29 August 2005) Bangladesh High Court declared that all the amendments of the constitution (from 5th to 8th) done by Gen. Ziaur Rahman and Gen. Ershad are illegal. However, followed by a government prayer Supreme Court stayed the High Court Verdict.
2. Janakantha, Daily Star, 16 October 2001.
3. Amader Samoy, Janakantha, Jugantar, 22, 23, 24, 25 September 2005
4. Paper presented at a seminar jointly organised by 'National Committee for Resisting Vested Property Act' and BILIA in Dhaka, on 28 July 2005
5. Ibid
6. Janakantha, 8 July 2003.
7. Sangbad, 8 October 2001.
8. Janakantha, 23 October 2001.
9. Sangbad, 8 October 2001.
10. Ajker Kagoj, 27 February 2002.
11. Janakantha, 4 November 2003.
12. Janakantha 13 August 2003.
13. Janakantha, October 20, 2001.
14. Janakantha, October 18, 2001.
15. Among the socio-cultural and rights organisations that played active role to mobilise public opinion against minority repression and stood beside the victims over the last four years are: 1) Ekatturer Ghatak Dalal Nirmul Committee, 2) Muktijuddher Smriti Sangrakkhan Kendra, 3) South Asian People's Union against Fundamentalism and Communalism, 4) Bangladesh Hindu-Buddhist-Christian Unity Council, 5) Sammilito Samajik Andolon, 6) Bangladesh Mahila Parishad, 7) Ain o Salish Kendra, 8) Bangladesh Adibashi Forum, 9) Hotline Bangladesh, 10) Human Rights Congress for Bangladesh Minorities, 11) Sammilito Sangskritik Jote, 12) Citizens Voice etc. Besides, some NGOs including 'Proshika', 'Prip Trust', 'Nari Progoti Sangha', and 'Nijera Kori' were more or less active and had to pay a good price for it.
16. White paper on 1500 days of minority persecution in Bangladesh (in 3 volumes), edited by Shahriar Kabir, published by 'Ekattorer Ghatak Dalal Nirmul Committee' Dhaka, 10 October 2005
17. Janakantha, 10 July, 2003
18. CIA World Fact Book, July 2005.
19. Janakantha, 19 October, 2001.
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